asianews

PHNOM PENH - Five years on from King Norodom Sihanouk's intricately-scripted departure from the political stage, Cambodia's new monarch Norodom Sihamoni is quietly and finally emerging from his father's shadow.

Enthroned by French colonial authorities in 1941, Sihanouk grew into a national symbol and wily political operator, entrenching himself at the center of the country's political life through his Sangkum Reastr Niyum, or People's Socialist Community, which ruled from 1955 to 1969. Unpredictable to the last, the often tempestuous monarch announced his surprise abdication on October 7, 2004, ending an era that spanned six decades and countless political and royal titles.

The monarchy was officially re-established under Sihanouk in 1993 as part of a United Nations-sponsored peace process and the country has since been governed as a constitutional monarchy. However, Sihamoni, Sihanouk's son and hand-picked successor, was always going to find it hard to live up to Sihanouk's colorful and often controversial legacy.

Born in 1953 to Sihanouk's wife Norodom Monineath, he was cut from an altogether different cloth: a dance instructor and actor, the new monarch had only a fleeting contact with political life. He served a brief spell as his father's personal secretary while he was exile in the early 1980s as well as Cambodia's ambassador to the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization in Paris.

Despite the vast gulf in charisma and political style, observers say since Sihamoni's coronation in October 2004 there has been a subtle re-invigoration of the monarchy. Diverging from his father's hands-on style, the new king has managed to reshape the monarchy's role coincident with a changing political landscape, withdrawing it from the fray of day-to-day politics while advancing the institution as a symbol of national reconciliation.

At the same time, the five years of Sihamoni's reign have been tough for Cambodia's royalist political movement. Popular support for the kingdom's royalist political parties, Funcinpec and the Norodom Ranariddh Party, has fallen precipitously. Even before 2004, Funcinpec - first founded by Sihanouk in 1981 with the aim of opposing the Vietnamese military occupation - was on a steady electoral decline.

Prince Norodom Ranariddh, another of Sihanouk's sons, led the party to a stunning victory at the UN-backed 1993 elections, the first multiparty polls held in Cambodia in over 20 years, clinching 45% of the popular vote and 58 seats in the then 120-seat National Assembly. But the party has lost ground at every election since, dropping from 43 seats in 1998 to 26 seats in 2003. The party lost 24 of its remaining seats in 2008, winning just 5% of the national vote. In addition to electoral defeats, last year also saw the retirement of royalist stalwarts Ranariddh and Prince Norodom Sirivuth.

The royalist movement's electoral failures have coincided with the mounting successes of Prime Minister Hun Sen and his ruling Cambodian People's Party (CPP), which won 58% of the vote and 90 seats in the 123-member National Assembly at 2008 elections. In a fiery October 2005 speech, following years of constant and sometimes violent conflict between the CPP and Funcinpec, Hun Sen hinted at the possibility of abolishing the monarchy - as done under the Republican Lon Nol regime in 1970 - and suing members of the royal family for libel.

The following year, national television and radio aired strong criticisms of the King Father, a position Sihanouk was granted after stepping down, broadcasting Republican-era songs that accused him of ceding land to the Vietnamese communists during the 1960s. (Hun Sen has notably come under similar criticisms in recent years, leading to a crackdown on journalists and commentators that made the claims.) The government also banned the use of Sihanouk's image in campaigning for the 2008 national election.

But despite these challenges, Cambodia's monarchy continues to flourish. Unlike Sihanouk, who bucked against the constitutional requirement that the King "reign but not rule", royalists say Sihamoni has grown into the role of figurehead, presenting himself as a less volatile symbol of the Khmer nation and national reconciliation. According to Cambodia's constitution, the King is both head of state and symbol of the unity and "eternity" of the nation.

Prince Sisowath Sirirath, Funcinpec's second deputy president, said that between the monarchy's abolition in October 1970 and its re-instatement in 1993, Cambodians had forgotten what previous monarchs were like. After the darkest years in Cambodia's modern history, he said, Sihamoni had reestablished the monarchy's traditional role as an "umbrella" under which Cambodians could unite. "His Excellency King Sihamoni is doing his very best to renew that respectable position both for the nation, the people of Cambodia and the members of the royal family," he said.

Julio A Jeldres, Sihanouk's official biographer, agreed that despite the attempt of successive governments to "diminish" the central role the monarchy, the new king has proven a worthy successor. "King Sihamoni has followed up on his eminent father's example and has adopted the same way of dealing with present circumstances in Cambodia as well as establishing close links with the more disadvantaged of his compatriots," he said.

Despite the evolution of the monarchy and continual losses of its aligned parties at the polls, royalist politicians believe they still have a future in Cambodian politics. "Given a fair and honest chance in the elections, Funcinpec will regain its position," said Prince Sirirath. "We believe in democratic values, we believe in respecting human rights [and] we believe whatever we sign with our partners is of great value. Things like this continue to be in the mind of the Funcinpec leaders."

He added that Cambodia's peace and stability could best be secured by royalist leaders that established continuities between the past and the present. "The people of Cambodia need a member of the royal family to lead them," he said. "The love of the monarchy, the love of the King, is there in the hearts of the Cambodian people, and [if you] shake the monarchy you will be shaking the roots of the people's support."

Others, however, think the decline of royalist politicians stems from increasing voter disillusionment with their aims and intentions. Funcinpec won the 1993 election thanks to its clever use of Sihanouk's image, but countless missteps in the years since have alienated its supporter base. Jeldres said that although rural support for the monarchy remained strong despite electoral defeats, generational changes had possibly made royalty less relevant to younger Cambodians. While older peasants remained loyal to the institution, new generations "do not seem to have been given much knowledge" about the monarchy's past role in Cambodian affairs and thus were "less inclined" to see it as a national institution, he said.

Outspoken royal Prince Sisowath Thomico, who formed the short-lived Sangkum Jatiniyum Front Party in 2006, said the withdrawal of royals from politics - and the de-politicization of the monarchy more generally - was a vital step in ensuring their ability to act in the country's best interest. "If the royals are not involved in politics their actions cannot be seen as political actions aimed at gaining political support. It is a fundamental part of the problem: if the royals are suspected of getting involved in politics then whatever they do will be limited," he said. "[Withdrawal from politics] is the sine qua non condition for them to succeed."

The fear, he added, was that the presence of "royalist" parties - however successful - implied that all competing parties were anti-royalist, an assumption that could easily become a self-fulfilling prophecy. By creating a perceived link between the royalist opposition and the throne, royalist politicians have dragged the institution into its conflicts with Hun Sen and the CPP. "These threats were done in a context in which Funcinpec pretended to be royalist," Prince Thomico added. "If Funcinpec is seen as a royalist party, then the other parties competing against Funcinpec are not. And the future of the monarchy [will be] seen to rely on the success of the party, which is not true."

Ros Chantraboth, deputy director of the Royal Academy in Phnom Penh, agreed that Sihanouk's domination of political life the 1950s and 1960s had unwittingly dragged the monarchy into the political fray, culminating in its eventual abolition in 1970. "I think Sihanouk's politics contained the seeds of their own destruction, because he made some mistakes, and it pushed some people without any real power to overthrow him," he said. But Sihamoni's turn away from his father's hands-on style, he said, had established a firm basis for the long-term survival of the monarchy.

"If the king stands above the Cambodian people, I think it will bring Cambodia political stability," he said. "This is the new evolution of the monarchy."

CB Richard Ellis has announced that it is opening a new office in Phnom Penh, Cambodia.

The establishment of an office in the Cambodian capital is the most recent development in CBRE’s Southeast Asian expansion, which already includes offices in Singapore, Indonesia, the Philippines, Thailand and Vietnam.

The new office will capitalise on market opportunities arising from the growing demand for professional real estate services from both international and local organisations within the country.

The office in Phnom Penh will provide a variety of services such as market research, valuation, investment sales, consulting, agency and leasing, and property management. Its goal will be to provide a competitive edge for clients in the fast changing real estate market in Cambodia, via a differentiated services portfolio, as well as to establish CBRE as a key player in the development of Cambodia´s real estate market.

“The opening of an office in Cambodia will strengthen our broader platform in South East Asia,” said Chris Brooke, president and CEO of CBRE in Asia. “Our presence in the market will facilitate the provision of professional property services by CBRE, whilst also supporting regional clients who have an interest in this unique emerging market.”

“With the establishment of the Phnom Penh office, CBRE will be able to develop local market intelligence into measurable results for clients in this expanding market,” said Marc Townsend, managing director of CBRE Vietnam.

Previously, work relating to Cambodia was handled out of the Vietnam office, which will continue to support the team in Phnom Penh.

“Phnom Penh has become a major focal point for economic and business development over recent years. The real estate market in Cambodia is expected to continue its growth momentum, particularly the resort property market along the coast line of Cambodia,” Townsend said.

“CBRE has already established a successful track record in Cambodia and has been servicing clients in market research and consultancy, valuation, and land transactions, as well as property management, even prior to the establishment of an office,” said Townsend.

PHNOM PENH, Oct. 8 (AP) - (Kyodo)—The U.N.-backed Khmer Rouge tribunal has for the first time summoned six senior government and legislative officials to testify against former Khmer Rouge leaders, against the wishes of the Cambodian government.

The summons, copies of which were released late Wednesday, were sent to Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Hor Namhong, Deputy Prime Minister and Finance Minister Keat Chhon, Senate President Chea Sim, who is also head of the ruling Cambodian People's Party, National Assembly President Heng Samrin, and senators Ouk Bunchoeun and Sim Ka.

Prime Minister Hun Sen said Thursday he was puzzled at the tribunal's move to summon his people who had worked together with him to destroy the Khmer Rouge movement and bring its leaders to justice.

All six of those summoned to testify were members of the Khmer Rouge when the radical group came to power in 1975.

Chea Sim, for example, was a district party secretary, while Heng Samrin was a political commissar and army division commander. Hun Sen himself was a former Khmer Rouge cadre before he defected.

Keat Chhon has publicly declared in the past that he was willing to take full responsibility for his part in the Khmer Rouge regime and was willing to testify if he were to be summoned for questioning.

The tribunal is now trying Kaing Guek Eav, known as Duch, the former chief of infamous torture center known as S-21 or Tuol Sleng prison. His verdict is expected sometime early next year.

The four others in custody awaiting trial are Nuon Chea, better known as Brother No. 2 in the Khmer Rouge hierarchy after late supremo Pol Pot, Khieu Samphan, who was head of state, Ieng Sary, who was the regime's foreign minister, and Ieng Sary's wife Ieng Thirith, who was its social affairs minister.

Last month, Hun Sen ruled out allowing for more suspects to be tried by the tribunal, saying more prosecutions could lead to a renewal of civil war.

He made the statement a day after the tribunal said the international co-prosecutor on the U.N. side wanted five more suspects to be investigated for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

PHNOM PENH - CAMBODIA'S premier on Thursday questioned why a UN-backed Khmer Rouge war crimes court had summoned six top government and legislative officials as witnesses, describing the move as 'strange'.

In a move opposed by Cambodia's administration, French investigating judge Marcel Lemonde has called the officials to testify in the court's second case against Khmer Rouge leaders for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Prime Minister Hun Sen said he found it 'strange' that the six had been asked to testify as witnesses, as he considered them plaintiffs due to their roles in bringing the late 1970s Khmer Rouge regime to justice.

'Why do they call the plaintiffs to be witnesses? Because those people are known to have toppled (Khmer Rouge leader) Pol Pot and they are also the ones who approved the laws to try the Khmer Rouge,' Mr Hun Sen said. He made the comments in a speech marking 30 years since the national bank was rebuilt after the Khmer Rouge.

The process has been hit by allegations that Hun Sen's administration has attempted to interfere in the tribunal to protect former regime members who are now in government.

Senate president Chea Sim, national assembly president Heng Samrin, foreign minister Hor Namhong, finance minister Keat Chhon and senators Sim Ka and Ouk Bunchhoeun were called last month to testify, the court revealed on Wednesday.

Kem Sokha indicated that the Human Rights Party (HRP) and the Sam Rainsy Party (SRP) did not succeed on agreeing on the conditions for a “merger.”

The union of the two opposition parties that are represented at the National Assembly could not be approved as planned, Kem Sokha, HRP president, announced during a press conference held at his home on Tuesday 06 October.

“No results were found during eight negotiation sessions between the working groups from both parties,” Kem Sokha added while indicating that he wished to see a clear position from the SRP on this issue.

Yim Sovann, SRP spokesman, confirmed that the alliance between the two parties is a not a priority.

Since the 2008 general election, the SRP held 26 seats at the National Assembly and the HRP held 3. Sam Rainsy and Kem Sokha, both former members of Funcinpec, left the royalist party in 1994 and 2002, respectively. Following the 2008 election, they called on the boycott of the inauguration session of the National Assembly. Since then, the two leaders have indicated their intention to “unite” or “merge” the two opposition parties.