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I am writing to you as a response to the editorial of your newspaper on October 25, concerning Samdech Techo Hun Sen, Prime Minister of the Kingdom of Cambodia. After reading your editorial, I must say that your newspaper has become a junky and vulgar newspaper. It has completely lost its value as a newspaper of a civilised country.
I wish to draw your attention to the following points, where your editorial committed the most serious mistakes which could not be forgiven:
First, what kind of a statement is it, when you said "You can take the man out of the jungle but you cannot take the jungle out of the man..." This is a great insult to our great leader, Samdech Akka Moha Sena Padei Techo Hun Sen. It is a gangster-like statement. By insulting a leader of a neighbouring country, you have become a tool for escalating tensions between the two countries..
Second, when you stated that the "...Cambodia premier thought he was still leading some Khmer Rouge faction ..." You are absolutely dead wrong. It was Samdech Techo Hun Sen, who struggled and brought the demise of the Khmer Rouge. Prime Minister Hun Sen could have done it much earlier, if a neighouring country had not given shelter to the Khmer Rouge. It was also Samdech Techo Hun Sen who brought the Khmer Rouge leaders to the Extraordinary Chamber of Courts of Cambodia (ECCC).
Third, Prime Minister Hun Sen is very much a humble and gentleman leader, who is a virtuous and moral man, especially vis-a-vis his friend. By doing so, he does not interfere in the internal affairs of any country, and does not in any, engage in " ... rubbing more salt on open wounds". The politics should be solved by the Thais themselves.
Fourth, Prime Minister Hun Sen did not permit "... himself to be part of a cheap ploy by ... Thaksin to steal the spotlight from a major international event", as you have wrongly alleged. You need to better learn about Samdech Techo Hun Sen. He does not need to appear in the Thai media. He only wants to be clear to everyone on what he will do.
Fifth, Prime Minister Hun Sen does not need any attention or recognition at all during the 15th Asean Summit. He came to Hua Hin with good will and sincerity to contribute to making the Asean Summit and related meetings a great success. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power for a long time now. Prime Minister Hun Sen was elected to power once again, with more than two-thirds of the votes, and with full backing of his own political party, the Cambodian People's Party (CPP).
Sixth, Prime Minister of Singapore Lee Hsien Loong rightly stated at the East Asian Summit in Hua Hin, on October 25, that the new members of Asean have been making great progress. And you said that the development of Cambodia "... would not count for much in terms of achievement in this day and age". Reading your editorial, most readers would think how ignorant you are. I think that you would not want to contradict the prime minister of Singapore.
Seventh, to state that "... Cambodia continues to be one of the most corrupt countries in the world" is to essentially engage in this politics of finger-pointing. One for Cambodia, three for ... For sure, Cambodia has less corruption than in its neighbouring country. Even an idiot knows this fact.
Eight, again, here is another dead wrong or manipulated fact of this cheap newspaper editorial. To be politically correct, it was Prime Minister Hun Sen who wanted the Khmer Rouge tribunal to be set up by signing the agreement with the United Nations, which brought the former Khmer Rogue leaders to trial under the current ECCC. And it was him who ordered the arrest of the Khmer Rouge leaders who are now put on trial.
Ninth, Prime Minister Hun Sen does not resent Asean at all, as he is being accused of by your vulgar newspaper. On the contrary, since joining Asean in April 1999, Cambodia, under the wise leadership of Samdech Techo Hun Sen, has made tremendous contributions to Asean. Everyone in Asean knows quite well the role and contributions of Cambodia to Asean.
Finally, by allowing His Excellency Thaksin to come into Cambodia, Samdech Techo Hun Sen only keeps his spirit of virtue and loyalty to his friend under any circumstances that his friend is in. But this is not only for His Excellency Thaksin, and is also not by "mutual admiration" and "twisted minds thinking alike", as you have falsely alleged.
KING FATHER NORODOM SIHANOUK REACTS TO SAM RAINSY’S BORDER REPORT
On November 7, opposition leader Sam Rainsy wrote to His Majesty the King Father Norodom Sihanouk, who is currently in Beijing, to inform him about the situation along the border with Vietnam, especially in Svay Rieng province where Cambodian farmers are continuously losing their rice fields because of border encroachments by the Vietnamese authorities.
Nobody understands the current border delineation process, which totally lacks transparency. Wooden poles have been arbitrarily and forcibly planted on Cambodian farmers’ rice fields by the Vietnamese authorities to allegedly delineate a “white zone”, which in turn would determine a new border line that would run deep inside Cambodia’s territory.
With the moral support of their elected representatives, Cambodian villagers have pulled out some of those wooden poles to symbolically show their refusal to give up ancestral rice fields they have been cultivating since 1979 and to be deprived of their livelihoods.
His Majesty the King Father, who presided over the now-defunct Supreme National Council on Border Affairs, which Sam Rainsy was a member of, reacted to the opposition leader’s report by writing today (November 10) three letters to CPP and Senate President Chea Sim, National Assembly President Heng Samrin and Prime Minister Hun Sen, asking them to “examine” the information and evidence provided by Sam Rainsy.
Thai government bans Thaksin Shinawatra interview with The Times
The Thai government has banned an interview in The Times with the ousted Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and warned that its security agencies will take “appropriate actions” against any media organisations that report his remarks about the country’s royal family.
A spokesman for Abhisit Vejjajiva, the Prime Minister, warned journalists not to report the contents of the interview and hinted that the Government would use the country’s draconian lèse-majesté law, which imposes sentences of up to 12 years in jail for insulting the king or his family.
Internet users in Thailand said last night that it was impossible to access the news article, in which Thaksin spoke of his hopes for his country after the death of the revered King, Bhumibol Adulyadej. It is not clear whether this is a result of censorship but the Ministry of Information routinely blocks web pages that are deemed to contain information unflattering to the monarchy.
According to the Bangkok Post, Thepthai Senpong, Mr Abhisit’s spokesman, said that “the comments in the interview were offensive to the royal institution”. He added that the ruling Democrat Party would recommend “appropriate action” by the Government and security agencies against media that report the interview.
“I would like to say that Thaksin’s interview violates the monarchy, which is the country’s main institution,” Kasit Piromya, the Thai Foreign Minister, told reporters in Bangkok. “I wonder what the hidden agenda was that caused him to make this inappropriate move. In his interview, there are several parts referring to His Majesty the King, the Crown Prince and the monarchy, and [they] also refer to His Majesty’s role in politics.”
He said that the Justice Ministry would consider whether to charge Thaksin with lèse-majesté on top of the two-year prison sentence imposed upon him in absentia for a land deal transacted during his five years as Prime Minister.
The controversy over the interview focuses on Thaksin’s remarks about Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn. He emphasised his loyalty to King Bhumibol, who has been in hospital for seven weeks but spoke of his hopes for a lesspoliticised royal palace after the king’s passing.
Mr Thaksin issued a statement saying that The Times’s report was “distorted” and “untrue”. The text of the interview, posted on Times Online, matches the recording of the conversation and was transcribed by a press representative of Mr Thaksin.
Mr Kasit said that Thailand would begin extradition proceedings against Mr Thaksin today, as he arrives in the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. It will be his first time back in the region since fleeing in August last year, and the trip is aggravating tensions between the neighbours.
The Thai government has banned an interview in The Times with the ousted Thai prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and warned that its security agencies will take “appropriate actions” against any media organisations that report his remarks about the country’s royal family.
A spokesman for Abhisit Vejjajiva, the Prime Minister, warned journalists not to report the contents of the interview and hinted that the Government would use the country’s draconian lèse-majesté law, which imposes sentences of up to 12 years in jail for insulting the king or his family.
Internet users in Thailand said last night that it was impossible to access the news article, in which Thaksin spoke of his hopes for his country after the death of the revered King, Bhumibol Adulyadej. It is not clear whether this is a result of censorship but the Ministry of Information routinely blocks web pages that are deemed to contain information unflattering to the monarchy.
According to the Bangkok Post, Thepthai Senpong, Mr Abhisit’s spokesman, said that “the comments in the interview were offensive to the royal institution”. He added that the ruling Democrat Party would recommend “appropriate action” by the Government and security agencies against media that report the interview.
“I would like to say that Thaksin’s interview violates the monarchy, which is the country’s main institution,” Kasit Piromya, the Thai Foreign Minister, told reporters in Bangkok. “I wonder what the hidden agenda was that caused him to make this inappropriate move. In his interview, there are several parts referring to His Majesty the King, the Crown Prince and the monarchy, and [they] also refer to His Majesty’s role in politics.”
He said that the Justice Ministry would consider whether to charge Thaksin with lèse-majesté on top of the two-year prison sentence imposed upon him in absentia for a land deal transacted during his five years as Prime Minister.
The controversy over the interview focuses on Thaksin’s remarks about Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn. He emphasised his loyalty to King Bhumibol, who has been in hospital for seven weeks but spoke of his hopes for a lesspoliticised royal palace after the king’s passing.
Mr Thaksin issued a statement saying that The Times’s report was “distorted” and “untrue”. The text of the interview, posted on Times Online, matches the recording of the conversation and was transcribed by a press representative of Mr Thaksin.
Mr Kasit said that Thailand would begin extradition proceedings against Mr Thaksin today, as he arrives in the Cambodian capital, Phnom Penh. It will be his first time back in the region since fleeing in August last year, and the trip is aggravating tensions between the neighbours.
Thaksin needles the government and a fugitive financier is returned
The government of Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his Democrat Party are being battered by a series of events including the visit to Phnom Penh this week by Thaksin Shinawatra, the leader ousted in a 2006 coup, and a wide-ranging interview that Thaksin gave in Dubai to the Times of London in which, among other things, he accused the Privy Council surrounding King Bhumibol Adulyadej of manipulating the monarch.
Also the extradition of disgraced financier Rakesh Saxena, 57, who had staged the longest battle in Canadian history to avoid being sent back to Thailand to face charges he had helped to embezzle tens of millions of dollars in phony bank loans in 1996, now injects a volatile new set of issues into Thailand's shaky political agenda.
How much damage the political contest has caused is uncertain. Nomura Global Economics reported in late October that: "The Thai economy contracted the most among Asean countries in 2Q09 in year-on-year terms, driven by a decline in exports (-21.8%) and gross fixed capital formation (-10.1%)" and that "political uncertainty has delayed a recovery in consumption and investment."
The Thaksin interview, a long series of self-justifications which can be found here, has outraged government officials at a time when Abhisit is scheduled to be at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Singapore and meet with US President Barack Obama. It can also be expected to drive the royalists in the People's Alliance for Democracy, which twice brought down governments aligned with Thaksin, into new demonstrations over Thaksin's supposed disloyalty and meddling by Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen in Thai affairs by offering Thaksin a position as his "economic adviser."
Saxena arrived last Friday, bundled in blankets in a wheelchair and said to be suffering from a stroke that had partly paralyzed him. He was immediately whisked away to Thailand's Crime Suppression Bureau. Prior to his flight from Thailand, he was said to be close to Newin Chidchob, the Northern Thailand politician whose defection along with those of 16 of his followers from the Thaksin delivered Abhisit Vejjajiva and the Democrat Party to power.
The supporters of the billionaire fugitive Thaksin have been clamoring for Saxena's extradition for months on the theory that bringing him back could put the Democrat-led majority coalition in danger. Along with Newin, several other politicians in his camp, including Suchart Tancharoen and Pairoj Suwanchawee, have been identified as making money from the fraud perpetrated by Saxena. Prior to his extradition from Vancouver, BC, Saxena said he feared for his life. He later said had a full list of the politicians, some now in the cabinet, who were involved in the scandal that sent him in flight. The Democrats have assured the press that he is under 24-hour guard in Bangkok.
For his part, Abhisit has pledged cooperation with the authorities, telling reporters that "Everyone is obliged to supply information even though such information may harm the cliques within the government because we have to uphold the national interest."
Although the Democrats were in opposition and led the censure debate over the Bank of Commerce scandal, the support of Newin's so-called Group of 16 was instrumental in delivering Abhisit and the Democrats to the shaky hold on power that they have enjoyed for the last several months. Many of Newin's allies are now scattered throughout the unwieldy 35-member Thai cabinet.
Over the last week, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen added to the uncertainty by offering to employ Thaksin Shinawatra as an "economics advisor," perhaps in retaliation for PAD anti-Cambodian activity at the Preah Vihear temple since 2008. Both countries have recalled their respective ambassadors over the affair. Despite the political setbacks, the absent Thaksin probably remains the second-most popular figure after the ailing king.
Saxena's return, given his role in the linchpin of the scandal, couldn't be more inconvenient for Abhisit. It was Saxena's role as treasurer advisor to the Bangkok Bank of Commerce, whose collapse with US$3 billion in debt in 1996 was one of the contributing factors to the devaluation of the Thai baht and ultimately the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-1998. He was charged with looting US$88 million through establishing a series of phony loans through the bank. According to media reports, he and his team identified moribund companies, pumped up their balance sheets while looting the assets and firing staff, then sold them to unsuspecting shareholders. Among the companies targeted as takeover objects were Morakot Industries, Jalaprathan Cement, Semiconductor Venture International and Phoenix Pulp and Paper.
In July of 1995, according to reports, he transferred more than US$80 million out of Thailand in defiance of banking regulations and, shortly after that, followed the money out to Canada.
The financier ultimately washed up in British Columbia, where his extradition hearing was the longest in Canadian history. Even after the presiding judge ruled there were grounds to extradite him, it took the federal justice minister more than three years to order his return to Thailand.
The return of Saxena -- who has been implicated in a series of dubious stock schemes and a counter-coup in Sierra Leone while under house arrest in Vancouver, comes at an extremely sensitive time for Thailand, with Bhumibol increasingly infirm. The 86-year-old monarch last week returned to the public eye after more than a month in hospital, more frail than ever and with the royal succession in doubt although the official line is that he will get the job. The king's son, Vajiralongkorn, is deeply unpopular and it appears that the royal family may be in the hands of a regency run by the queen, Sirikit.
Abhisit, in Singapore this week for the APEC conference, and his Democrats are beset on one side by the pro-Thaksin Red Shirts, who have now formed the Phieu Thai Party, and the anti-Thaksin Yellow Shirts, who are establishing a royalist party of their own, the New Politics Party which was formed in July.
There appears to be considerable behind-the-scenes agitation to pardon Thaksin, perhaps in exchange for his forsaking political activity in exchange for the restoration of his billion-dollar telecommunications fortune. Whatever happens, Saxena's return adds yet another explosive to the volatile mixture that is Thai politics.
The government of Thai Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva and his Democrat Party are being battered by a series of events including the visit to Phnom Penh this week by Thaksin Shinawatra, the leader ousted in a 2006 coup, and a wide-ranging interview that Thaksin gave in Dubai to the Times of London in which, among other things, he accused the Privy Council surrounding King Bhumibol Adulyadej of manipulating the monarch.
Also the extradition of disgraced financier Rakesh Saxena, 57, who had staged the longest battle in Canadian history to avoid being sent back to Thailand to face charges he had helped to embezzle tens of millions of dollars in phony bank loans in 1996, now injects a volatile new set of issues into Thailand's shaky political agenda.
How much damage the political contest has caused is uncertain. Nomura Global Economics reported in late October that: "The Thai economy contracted the most among Asean countries in 2Q09 in year-on-year terms, driven by a decline in exports (-21.8%) and gross fixed capital formation (-10.1%)" and that "political uncertainty has delayed a recovery in consumption and investment."
The Thaksin interview, a long series of self-justifications which can be found here, has outraged government officials at a time when Abhisit is scheduled to be at the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation summit in Singapore and meet with US President Barack Obama. It can also be expected to drive the royalists in the People's Alliance for Democracy, which twice brought down governments aligned with Thaksin, into new demonstrations over Thaksin's supposed disloyalty and meddling by Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen in Thai affairs by offering Thaksin a position as his "economic adviser."
Saxena arrived last Friday, bundled in blankets in a wheelchair and said to be suffering from a stroke that had partly paralyzed him. He was immediately whisked away to Thailand's Crime Suppression Bureau. Prior to his flight from Thailand, he was said to be close to Newin Chidchob, the Northern Thailand politician whose defection along with those of 16 of his followers from the Thaksin delivered Abhisit Vejjajiva and the Democrat Party to power.
The supporters of the billionaire fugitive Thaksin have been clamoring for Saxena's extradition for months on the theory that bringing him back could put the Democrat-led majority coalition in danger. Along with Newin, several other politicians in his camp, including Suchart Tancharoen and Pairoj Suwanchawee, have been identified as making money from the fraud perpetrated by Saxena. Prior to his extradition from Vancouver, BC, Saxena said he feared for his life. He later said had a full list of the politicians, some now in the cabinet, who were involved in the scandal that sent him in flight. The Democrats have assured the press that he is under 24-hour guard in Bangkok.
For his part, Abhisit has pledged cooperation with the authorities, telling reporters that "Everyone is obliged to supply information even though such information may harm the cliques within the government because we have to uphold the national interest."
Although the Democrats were in opposition and led the censure debate over the Bank of Commerce scandal, the support of Newin's so-called Group of 16 was instrumental in delivering Abhisit and the Democrats to the shaky hold on power that they have enjoyed for the last several months. Many of Newin's allies are now scattered throughout the unwieldy 35-member Thai cabinet.
Over the last week, Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen added to the uncertainty by offering to employ Thaksin Shinawatra as an "economics advisor," perhaps in retaliation for PAD anti-Cambodian activity at the Preah Vihear temple since 2008. Both countries have recalled their respective ambassadors over the affair. Despite the political setbacks, the absent Thaksin probably remains the second-most popular figure after the ailing king.
Saxena's return, given his role in the linchpin of the scandal, couldn't be more inconvenient for Abhisit. It was Saxena's role as treasurer advisor to the Bangkok Bank of Commerce, whose collapse with US$3 billion in debt in 1996 was one of the contributing factors to the devaluation of the Thai baht and ultimately the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-1998. He was charged with looting US$88 million through establishing a series of phony loans through the bank. According to media reports, he and his team identified moribund companies, pumped up their balance sheets while looting the assets and firing staff, then sold them to unsuspecting shareholders. Among the companies targeted as takeover objects were Morakot Industries, Jalaprathan Cement, Semiconductor Venture International and Phoenix Pulp and Paper.
In July of 1995, according to reports, he transferred more than US$80 million out of Thailand in defiance of banking regulations and, shortly after that, followed the money out to Canada.
The financier ultimately washed up in British Columbia, where his extradition hearing was the longest in Canadian history. Even after the presiding judge ruled there were grounds to extradite him, it took the federal justice minister more than three years to order his return to Thailand.
The return of Saxena -- who has been implicated in a series of dubious stock schemes and a counter-coup in Sierra Leone while under house arrest in Vancouver, comes at an extremely sensitive time for Thailand, with Bhumibol increasingly infirm. The 86-year-old monarch last week returned to the public eye after more than a month in hospital, more frail than ever and with the royal succession in doubt although the official line is that he will get the job. The king's son, Vajiralongkorn, is deeply unpopular and it appears that the royal family may be in the hands of a regency run by the queen, Sirikit.
Abhisit, in Singapore this week for the APEC conference, and his Democrats are beset on one side by the pro-Thaksin Red Shirts, who have now formed the Phieu Thai Party, and the anti-Thaksin Yellow Shirts, who are establishing a royalist party of their own, the New Politics Party which was formed in July.
There appears to be considerable behind-the-scenes agitation to pardon Thaksin, perhaps in exchange for his forsaking political activity in exchange for the restoration of his billion-dollar telecommunications fortune. Whatever happens, Saxena's return adds yet another explosive to the volatile mixture that is Thai politics.
Thailand and Cambodia must resolve their disputes for the sake of regional unity
The ongoing Thai-Cambodian quarrel is a good indication that the future of the Asean Community still has a long way to go. Just look at the way Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen chose to ignore the plea from the Thai government not to get involved with a Thai fugitive. This will be a case study in the history of the regional grouping, when a leader within Asean does not really understand the requirements of responsible diplomacy regarding sovereignty vis-a-vis the opposition movement in neighbouring countries.
How can Asean form a single community when an Asean leader does not understand where to push and where to draw back in the internal dynamics of a neighbour? In the future, Asean's integration could become more problematic because it will certainly involve sensitive issues such as the rule of law, human rights and good governance.
Looking at the future of Asean through the Thai-Cambodian conflict, there will not be much comfort for supporters of further Asean integration. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power for the past 25 years, and has shown no sign of retiring.
No wonder Asean Secretary-General Dr Surin Pitsuwan expressed serious concern a few days ago over the Thai-Cambodian tensions. He urged both sides to exercise "maximum restraint". Somehow, his advice fell on deaf ears.
Neither side has stood down from its position, and this has already had a detrimental effect on border trade and people-to-people contact. Surin urged the respective foreign ministers to settle the bilateral dispute amicably and as soon as possible.
Surin was right in pointing out that the dispute could undermine the reputation of Asean ahead of the Apec meeting and Asean-US Summit to be held later this week in Singapore. So far, only the government of Singapore, the summit's host, has openly expressed concern over the situation. But the other Asean members have kept quiet. A few Asean members have contacted Thailand and asked for information.
It is possible that in the next few days, ahead of the Singapore meetings, a mediator between Thailand and Cambodia could be appointed to find an acceptable way out for both sides. Surin has said that, as signatories to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, all Asean members are obliged to offer assistance to help fellow member countries settle bilateral disputes, even when the two conflicting parties cannot agree to refer their dispute to any regional body for dispute settlement.
If any Asean member takes such an initiative to help ease the Thai-Cambodian tension, it would mark a new chapter within the grouping's history. It would mean that Asean members are beginning to care about fellow members within the family, especially with two of them at each other's throats.
Since 1997, Asean has been trying to convince Burma to reform, but to no avail. However, any conflict among members is a matter of urgency that needs to be resolved quickly. In the next few days, we will find out if Asean's solidarity will be forever at risk.
The ongoing Thai-Cambodian quarrel is a good indication that the future of the Asean Community still has a long way to go. Just look at the way Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen chose to ignore the plea from the Thai government not to get involved with a Thai fugitive. This will be a case study in the history of the regional grouping, when a leader within Asean does not really understand the requirements of responsible diplomacy regarding sovereignty vis-a-vis the opposition movement in neighbouring countries.
How can Asean form a single community when an Asean leader does not understand where to push and where to draw back in the internal dynamics of a neighbour? In the future, Asean's integration could become more problematic because it will certainly involve sensitive issues such as the rule of law, human rights and good governance.
Looking at the future of Asean through the Thai-Cambodian conflict, there will not be much comfort for supporters of further Asean integration. Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power for the past 25 years, and has shown no sign of retiring.
No wonder Asean Secretary-General Dr Surin Pitsuwan expressed serious concern a few days ago over the Thai-Cambodian tensions. He urged both sides to exercise "maximum restraint". Somehow, his advice fell on deaf ears.
Neither side has stood down from its position, and this has already had a detrimental effect on border trade and people-to-people contact. Surin urged the respective foreign ministers to settle the bilateral dispute amicably and as soon as possible.
Surin was right in pointing out that the dispute could undermine the reputation of Asean ahead of the Apec meeting and Asean-US Summit to be held later this week in Singapore. So far, only the government of Singapore, the summit's host, has openly expressed concern over the situation. But the other Asean members have kept quiet. A few Asean members have contacted Thailand and asked for information.
It is possible that in the next few days, ahead of the Singapore meetings, a mediator between Thailand and Cambodia could be appointed to find an acceptable way out for both sides. Surin has said that, as signatories to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation in Southeast Asia, all Asean members are obliged to offer assistance to help fellow member countries settle bilateral disputes, even when the two conflicting parties cannot agree to refer their dispute to any regional body for dispute settlement.
If any Asean member takes such an initiative to help ease the Thai-Cambodian tension, it would mark a new chapter within the grouping's history. It would mean that Asean members are beginning to care about fellow members within the family, especially with two of them at each other's throats.
Since 1997, Asean has been trying to convince Burma to reform, but to no avail. However, any conflict among members is a matter of urgency that needs to be resolved quickly. In the next few days, we will find out if Asean's solidarity will be forever at risk.
According to the Bangkok Post, deposed Thai ex-Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra may be charged with lèse majesté (the Thai law that charges people with a crime against the royal family if they say anything against the King of Thailand or any other member of the royal family) for statements he allegedly made in a British newspaper interview. In an interview with the The Times, according to the Bangkok Post, it's claimed that Thaksin made statements calling for reform of the monarch and said that Thailand would have a future "shining" era when HRH Crown Prince Maha Vajiralongkorn, the son of His Majesty the King, takes the throne. Thaksin himself denies he said this, saying the interview was a "complete distortion" of what he said.
Thailand is one of only a handful of countries that still charges people with lèse majesté. Thailand has very strict lèse majesté, with several people being put in jail in Thailand over the last two years for making statements against the royal family. Two years ago, a Swiss man, Oliver Jufer, who had lived in Thailand for many years was convicted of lèse majesté for spray painting photographs of the King while drunk. He was convicted and sentenced to serve 10 years in prison, but was subsequently pardoned by the King and then deported back to Switzerland.
In 2009, Harry Nicolaides, an Australian writer was arrested at Bangkok's international airport and charged with lèse majesté for a passage in a fiction book that was about a member of the royal family. He plead guilty and was sentenced to three years in jail, but was then pardoned by the King and released. Nicolaides is now back in Australia. Even a BBC journalist, Jonathan Head, was charged with lèse majesté with no decision having yet been made on that case.
For Thaksin to allegedly make statements about the royal family will cause more negativity against him in Thailand, as well as possibly serious legal problems.
Meanwhile, Thaksin is purportedly to be arriving in Cambodia on Thursday to begin his appointment as political adviser to the Cambodian government. On the charges of lèse majesté, the Thai Justice Minister will be deciding if charges are laid against him or not.
You can also read The Times interview with Thaksin Shinawatra here.
Thailand is one of only a handful of countries that still charges people with lèse majesté. Thailand has very strict lèse majesté, with several people being put in jail in Thailand over the last two years for making statements against the royal family. Two years ago, a Swiss man, Oliver Jufer, who had lived in Thailand for many years was convicted of lèse majesté for spray painting photographs of the King while drunk. He was convicted and sentenced to serve 10 years in prison, but was subsequently pardoned by the King and then deported back to Switzerland.
In 2009, Harry Nicolaides, an Australian writer was arrested at Bangkok's international airport and charged with lèse majesté for a passage in a fiction book that was about a member of the royal family. He plead guilty and was sentenced to three years in jail, but was then pardoned by the King and released. Nicolaides is now back in Australia. Even a BBC journalist, Jonathan Head, was charged with lèse majesté with no decision having yet been made on that case.
For Thaksin to allegedly make statements about the royal family will cause more negativity against him in Thailand, as well as possibly serious legal problems.
Meanwhile, Thaksin is purportedly to be arriving in Cambodia on Thursday to begin his appointment as political adviser to the Cambodian government. On the charges of lèse majesté, the Thai Justice Minister will be deciding if charges are laid against him or not.
You can also read The Times interview with Thaksin Shinawatra here.
Cambodian Prime Minister Hun Sen, smarting from his costly miscalculation in appointing fugitive Thaksin Shinawatra as his adviser, continues to overplay his hand in a big gamble, putting his country at stake in a diplomatic dispute with Thailand. This time, he wants to elevate the spat to a confrontation.
After being put under the spotlight in Tokyo, Hun Sen went home like a bull in a china shop, so to speak, fuming with rage after being snubbed by Thailand's withdrawal of its ambassador and cancellation of a memorandum of understanding on oil reserves that had promised to serve as a cash cow for Hun Sen.
Seeking retaliation to regain lost ground, Hun Sen immediately summoned Thaksin to Phnom Penh to accept the advisory role - as if the damage done so far was not enough to create a crisis with his neighbour.
Of course, the two must have conversed on the phone on how to get out of this embarrassing situation. It was a big blow for their egos and a major setback for Thaksin and his cronies who are fighting for his return to Thailand. Thaksin's first advice, obviously, was that Hun Sen should press ahead and not stand down.
The big bully in Phnom Penh has enjoyed getting his own way for too long. He has hurled various insults at Thailand, without much response - more so with his view towards Prime Minister Abhisit. In Hun Sen's view, partly shaped by Thaksin, he must assume that the Thai leader is a greenhorn with no stomach for an eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation.
Certainly the young politician is not up to Hun Sen's thuggish meanness. Endurance over 24 years in power in Cambodia should be a warning that Hun should not to be taken lightly. With this in mind, Hun Sen has recklessly stepped beyond the diplomatic fine line by honouring an apprentice of tyranny from Thailand with a high position in Cambodia.
The fugitive will perform his first duty as Hun Sen's guru by giving a lecture on economic affairs to about 300 Cambodian experts and technocrats; he'll be telling them how to run their country's economy. He must think that, with his massive wealth, no Cambodian is as smart at making money as he is.
Abhisit today presides over the Cabinet meeting to cancel the MOU on oil drilling in the Gulf of Thailand. He could discuss more counter-measures now that Hun Sen has upped the ante with a challenge that the joint border could be closed, if Thailand wants.
Hun Sen has also challenged Abhisit to call for a snap election to prove his popularity over Thaksin, the patron of the Pheu Thai Party, which is perceived as a potential winner. Well, this was too much. But Hun Sen ignores diplomatic protocol and simple civility.
From barbs and crudeness, Hun Sen is just a step away from open sabre-rattling. At least he saw some sense the other day by instructing his deputy supreme commander to talk to the Thai Army commanding officer on the border that he wants to avoid armed conflict of any kind. It was different from the previous flexing of muscles that Cambodian soldiers were far superior in terms of combat.
How far is Hun Sen prepared to go in the ongoing dispute? Cambodians on the border are worried that a border closure would cause more than just discomfort. Casinos in Poipet would be hard hit without gamblers from Thailand, their major source of income.
By now, Cambodia's people and opposition politicians should feel offended by the entire ruckus. Having a Thai criminal anointed by the king is an insult to Cambodian royalty. What's more? Thaksin just made a grave remark in relation to the Thai monarchy in Timesonline, further causing more anger among Thais towards the fugitive.
Thaksin immediately responded on Twitter, blaming Times for distorting his comments. This is not news. Thaksin always blames other people for anything that goes wrong, and never accepts any responsibility for damage caused as a result of his loose tongue.
This is not the first time Thaksin has broken the taboo regarding the country's revered institution. The latest blatant act of lese majeste will worsen his predicament, so much that he could become the most hated man in Thailand's recent political history.
Not only that, the red shirts and Pheu Thai members will find it difficult to defend their big boss, whose relationship with the bully in Cambodia has seen him branded as a traitor nationwide. Their next campaign to dislodge Abhisit from power is expected to backfire in the face of broad-based public resentment.
The two friends with vested interests will struggle hard to remain in a good light. They have many things in common, including a streak of tyranny, a penchant for graft, a super-ego, and bottomless arrogance and ambition, among other cravings.
How their high-stakes gamble will end up eventually, is not very hard to guess.
After being put under the spotlight in Tokyo, Hun Sen went home like a bull in a china shop, so to speak, fuming with rage after being snubbed by Thailand's withdrawal of its ambassador and cancellation of a memorandum of understanding on oil reserves that had promised to serve as a cash cow for Hun Sen.
Seeking retaliation to regain lost ground, Hun Sen immediately summoned Thaksin to Phnom Penh to accept the advisory role - as if the damage done so far was not enough to create a crisis with his neighbour.
Of course, the two must have conversed on the phone on how to get out of this embarrassing situation. It was a big blow for their egos and a major setback for Thaksin and his cronies who are fighting for his return to Thailand. Thaksin's first advice, obviously, was that Hun Sen should press ahead and not stand down.
The big bully in Phnom Penh has enjoyed getting his own way for too long. He has hurled various insults at Thailand, without much response - more so with his view towards Prime Minister Abhisit. In Hun Sen's view, partly shaped by Thaksin, he must assume that the Thai leader is a greenhorn with no stomach for an eyeball-to-eyeball confrontation.
Certainly the young politician is not up to Hun Sen's thuggish meanness. Endurance over 24 years in power in Cambodia should be a warning that Hun should not to be taken lightly. With this in mind, Hun Sen has recklessly stepped beyond the diplomatic fine line by honouring an apprentice of tyranny from Thailand with a high position in Cambodia.
The fugitive will perform his first duty as Hun Sen's guru by giving a lecture on economic affairs to about 300 Cambodian experts and technocrats; he'll be telling them how to run their country's economy. He must think that, with his massive wealth, no Cambodian is as smart at making money as he is.
Abhisit today presides over the Cabinet meeting to cancel the MOU on oil drilling in the Gulf of Thailand. He could discuss more counter-measures now that Hun Sen has upped the ante with a challenge that the joint border could be closed, if Thailand wants.
Hun Sen has also challenged Abhisit to call for a snap election to prove his popularity over Thaksin, the patron of the Pheu Thai Party, which is perceived as a potential winner. Well, this was too much. But Hun Sen ignores diplomatic protocol and simple civility.
From barbs and crudeness, Hun Sen is just a step away from open sabre-rattling. At least he saw some sense the other day by instructing his deputy supreme commander to talk to the Thai Army commanding officer on the border that he wants to avoid armed conflict of any kind. It was different from the previous flexing of muscles that Cambodian soldiers were far superior in terms of combat.
How far is Hun Sen prepared to go in the ongoing dispute? Cambodians on the border are worried that a border closure would cause more than just discomfort. Casinos in Poipet would be hard hit without gamblers from Thailand, their major source of income.
By now, Cambodia's people and opposition politicians should feel offended by the entire ruckus. Having a Thai criminal anointed by the king is an insult to Cambodian royalty. What's more? Thaksin just made a grave remark in relation to the Thai monarchy in Timesonline, further causing more anger among Thais towards the fugitive.
Thaksin immediately responded on Twitter, blaming Times for distorting his comments. This is not news. Thaksin always blames other people for anything that goes wrong, and never accepts any responsibility for damage caused as a result of his loose tongue.
This is not the first time Thaksin has broken the taboo regarding the country's revered institution. The latest blatant act of lese majeste will worsen his predicament, so much that he could become the most hated man in Thailand's recent political history.
Not only that, the red shirts and Pheu Thai members will find it difficult to defend their big boss, whose relationship with the bully in Cambodia has seen him branded as a traitor nationwide. Their next campaign to dislodge Abhisit from power is expected to backfire in the face of broad-based public resentment.
The two friends with vested interests will struggle hard to remain in a good light. They have many things in common, including a streak of tyranny, a penchant for graft, a super-ego, and bottomless arrogance and ambition, among other cravings.
How their high-stakes gamble will end up eventually, is not very hard to guess.